Max Weber (1864-1920) was one of the founding fathers of Sociology. Weber saw both structural and action approaches as necessary to developing a full understanding of society and social change.
While those working professional jobs may have higher incomes than white-collar workers, the latter may have more status because of the type of work they do. For example, a stock trader is likely to have a higher income than a schoolteacher, but the schoolteacher is likely to have more status because their work is seen as being more important and beneficial to society.
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Despite Weber, there is no reason that charisma and rationality, innovation and bureaucracy, cannot coexist, either within the modern firm or within the structure of a market economy. Weber thinks capitalism has given the upper hand to bureaucracy in its eternal struggle against charisma. However that is not necessarily the case, since capitalism also continually provides new opportunities for competitive innovation and its accompanying charisma. An alternative neo-Weberian view of modern market capitalism would be to see it as an economic system that incorporates both charismatic and bureaucratic traits, in which there is eternal conflict between the two, but in which neither is likely to achieve long-term hegemony. Capitalism fosters rationality, the mother of bureaucracy, and it fosters entrepreneurship, the mother of charisma. If rationality can enslave, competition can liberate. Competition provides ever-new openings for charisma, and leads to the downfall of bureaucracies that, however efficiently they may administer, produce inefficient responses to market demand. Thus the market, rather than destroying charisma, preserves it against the anti-competitive tendencies of large bureaucratic firms. Once again, the invisible hand turns strife into harmony, or at least into a result good for the greatest number, as well as for the charismatic few.
In this context Weber was interested in the dogmatic contents of what in a given religion is recognized as true and as real. In addition, he concentrated on the educated and cultured classes who as the literati gave direction and served as examples for the other segments of society. They developed and required of their membership adherence to a specific ethic which identified them as members of their class (Standesethik, ibid: 239).
It is in this context that Max Weber explained the sacrifice celebrated by the emperor of China as dedicated not to a deity driven by emotions, but rather to the principle of order and harmony. This principle was not embodied in beloved or feared immortal persons but instead in living conditions into which this world, nature as well as government and society, were to be placed and maintained. The quality of sacredness was then inherent in those conditions rather than in certain people.
On this basis, Marx categorized the historical types of society into primitive communism, agrarian/slave societies, feudalism, and capitalism. Primitive communists, for example, are hunter gatherers like the Haida whose social institutions and worldview develop in sync with their hunting and gathering relationship to the environment and its resources. They are defined by their hunter-gatherer mode of production.
With the emergence of horticultural and pastoral societies during the neolithic revolution, stable agricultural surpluses began to be generated, population densities increased, specialized occupations developed, and societies commenced sustained trading with other local groups. Feuding and warfare also grew with the accumulation of wealth. One of the key inventions of the neolithic revolution therefore was structured, social inequality: the development of a class structure based on the appropriation of surpluses. A social class can be defined as a group that has a distinct relationship to the means of production. In neolithic societies, based on horticulture or animal husbandry as their means of production, control of land or livestock became the first form of private property that enabled one relatively small group to take the surpluses while another much larger group produced them. For the first time in history, societies were divided between producing classes and owning classes. Moreover, as control of land was the source of power in neolithic societies, ways of organizing and defending it became a more central preoccupation. The development of permanent administrative and military structures, taxation, as well as the formation of specialized priestly classes to spiritually unite society originated on the basis of the horticultural and pastoral relationship to nature.
In Europe the class system of feudalism was organized around the parceling out of manors or estates by the aristocracy to vassals and knights in return for their military service. The nobility, known as lords, rewarded knights or vassals by granting them pieces of land. In return for the resources that the land provided, vassals promised to fight for their lords. These individual pieces of land, known as fiefdoms, were cultivated by the lower class of serfs. Serfs were not slaves, in that they were at least nominally free men and women, but they produced agricultural surpluses for lords primarily through forced agricultural service. In return for maintaining and working the land, serfs were guaranteed a place to live and military protection from outside enemies. They were able to produce food and goods for their own consumption on private land allotments, or on common allotments shared by the community. Power in feudal society was handed down through family lines, with serf families serving lords for generations and generations.
Ultimately, the social and economic system of feudalism was surpassed by the rise of capitalism and the technological advances of the industrial era, because money allowed economic transactions to be conceived and conducted in an entirely new way. In particular, the demise of feudalism was initiated by the increasing need to intensify labour and improve productivity as markets became more competitive and the economy less dependent on agriculture.
It was during the 18th and 19th centuries of the Industrial Revolution that sociology was born. Life was changing quickly and the long-established traditions of the agricultural eras did not apply to life in the larger cities. Masses of people were moving to new environments and often found themselves faced with horrendous conditions of filth, overcrowding, and poverty. Social science emerged in response to the unprecedented scale of the social problems of modern society.
Modern societies, according to Durkheim, were more complex. Collective consciousness was increasingly weak in individuals and the ties of social integration that bound them to others were increasingly few. Modern societies were characterized by an increasing diversity of experience and an increasing division of people into different occupations and specializations. They shared less and less commonalities that could bind them together. However, as Durkheim observed, their ability to carry out their specific functions depended upon others being able to carry out theirs. Modern society was increasingly held together on the basis of a division of labour or organic solidarity: a complex system of interrelated parts, working together to maintain stability, i.e., like an organism (Durkheim, 1893/1960).
Marx described the economic conditions of production under capitalism in terms of alienation. Alienation refers to the condition in which the individual is isolated and divorced from their society, work, or the sense of self and common humanity. Marx defined four specific types of alienation that arose with the development of wage labour under capitalism.
Taken as a whole, then, alienation in modern society means that individuals have no control over their lives. There is nothing that ties workers to their occupations. Instead of being able to take pride in an identity such as being a watchmaker, automobile builder, or chef, a person is simply a cog in the machine. Even in feudal societies, people controlled the manner of their labour as to when and how it was carried out. But why, then, does the modern working class not rise up and rebel?
4.1. Types of SocietiesSocieties are classified according to their development and use of technology. For most of human history, people lived in preindustrial societies characterized by limited technology and low production of goods. After the Industrial Revolution, many societies based their economies around mechanized labour, leading to greater profits and a trend toward greater social mobility. At the turn of the new millennium, a new type of society emerged. This postindustrial, or information, society is built on digital technology and nonmaterial goods.
4.2. Theoretical Perspectives on the Formation of Modern SocietyÉmile Durkheim believed that as societies advance, they make the transition from mechanical to organic solidarity. For Karl Marx, society exists in terms of class conflict. With the rise of capitalism, workers become alienated from themselves and others in society. Sociologist Max Weber noted that the rationalization of society can be taken to unhealthy extremes. Feminists note that the androcentric point of view of the classical theorists does not provide an adequate account of the difference in the way the genders experience modern society.
4.1. Types of SocietiesThe Maasai are a modern pastoral society with an economy largely structured around herds of cattle. Read more about the Maasai people and see pictures of their daily lives: -Maasai
Resume: Bien que Weber ait des hesitations concernant la valeur scientifique des notions de la "nation" et "l'ethnicite" c'est possible distinguer les esquisses des deux theories de la nation dons ses travaux. La theorie politique-sociologique (en Economie et societe) define la nation comme une groupe de statut uni par la memoire historique commune, qui se battre contre les autres nations pour le prestige de pouvoir et culture. Dons ses travaux premiers Weber profile aussi la theorie politique-economique (ou "national-economique") de la nation. Ici la nation est conceptualisee comme une formed' organisation de association economique, qui est optimale pour la lutte pour l'espace vitale dans "le monde scion Malthus" (comme il c'est decrit dons le medele classique de la dynamique economique d'une longue duree) globalisee. La conception weberienne politique-economique des nations et nationalisme est reconstruite an utilisant la notion contemporaine des "lutte pour des rentes" (rent-seeking). Cette conception est aussi utilise pour exposer les defauts de in theorie de la nation et nationalisme de E.Gellner-E. Hobsbawm-B.Anderson, qui prevaut jusqu' a present. 2ff7e9595c
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